Effects of Ambient Illuminance on Explicit and Implicit Altruism: The Mediation Roles of Perceived Anonymity and Satisfaction with Light.

Ambient light plays a key role in social interactions, and the effects of ambient light on explicit altruism have been widely documented. However, whether ambient light affects implicit altruism and the potential mechanisms underlying the effect remain largely unknown. The current study aimed to explore the effects of ambient illuminance on explicit and implicit altruism simultaneously, and to determine the potential mediation role of subjective mood, state self-control perceived anonymity and satisfaction with light. A one-factor (Illuminance: dim (100 lx) vs. bright (1000 lx) at eye level), between-subjects design was employed in the current study, during which seventy-eight undergraduates (52 females, 18-25 years old) were assigned to two groups, with participants in each group undergoing both the dictator game assessing explicit altruism and the implicit association test (IAT) assessing implicit altruism under one of two illuminance conditions. Meanwhile, subjective mood, state self-control, perceived anonymity and satisfaction with light were also assessed with questionnaires at the beginning or/and at the end of the experiment. Results revealed that participants tended to allocate more money in the dictator game and showed a higher state self-control, satisfaction with light and lower perceived anonymity under bright versus dim illuminance condition, whereas the performance in IAT and subjective mood revealed no statistically significant effects of illuminance. The promoting effect of bright illuminance on explicit altruism was partially mediated by perceived anonymity and satisfaction with light, but not by state self-control. These findings suggest that ambient light holds the potential to regulate psychological well-being and thus facilitate prosocial behavior, but such benefits are dependent on the type of task.

Is moral beauty different from facial beauty? Evidence from an fMRI study.

Is moral beauty different from facial beauty? Two functional magnetic resonance imaging experiments were performed to answer this question. Experiment 1 investigated the network of moral aesthetic judgments and facial aesthetic judgments. Participants performed aesthetic judgments and gender judgments on both faces and scenes containing moral acts. The conjunction analysis of the contrasts 'facial aesthetic judgment > facial gender judgment' and 'scene moral aesthetic judgment > scene gender judgment' identified the common involvement of the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC), inferior temporal gyrus and medial superior frontal gyrus, suggesting that both types of aesthetic judgments are based on the orchestration of perceptual, emotional and cognitive components. Experiment 2 examined the network of facial beauty and moral beauty during implicit perception. Participants performed a non-aesthetic judgment task on both faces (beautiful vs common) and scenes (containing morally beautiful vs neutral information). We observed that facial beauty (beautiful faces > common faces) involved both the cortical reward region OFC and the subcortical reward region putamen, whereas moral beauty (moral beauty scenes > moral neutral scenes) only involved the OFC. Moreover, compared with facial beauty, moral beauty spanned a larger-scale cortical network, indicating more advanced and complex cerebral representations characterizing moral beauty.

Diversity effect in category-based inductive reasoning of young children: evidence from two methods.

Previous studies have shown that diverse pieces of evidence, rather than similar pieces of evidence, are considered to have greater strength in adults' inductive reasoning. However, this diversity effect is inconsistently recognized by children. Three experiments using the same materials but different tasks examined whether young children consider the diversity principle in their reasoning. Although Experiment 1 applied a data selection task showed five-year-old children in both China and Korea were not sensitive to the diversity of evidence, Experiments 2 and 3 employed an identification task and demonstrated that children as young as five years were sensitive to diverse evidence. These findings indicated that young children, less than nine years of age, may have diversity effect. Methodological and cultural differences were discussed.